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UK: Now drugs are an election issue

Simon Jenkins

The Times

Monday 21 Mar 2005

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Pre-election nerves are getting out of hand. Consider the weekend madness
from the Home Office on drugs. The new Home Secretary, Charles Clarke, once
confessed to The Times that he was eager not to appear a liberal. He has
duly ordered a review of the classification of cannabis on the Government's
list of banned drugs.

This follows "news" that marijuana, particularly the strong strain of
mostly home-grown skunk, might be more harmful than previously thought. The
drug was reduced from class B to class C by Mr Clarke's predecessor, David
Blunkett, just a year ago. The effect was ostensibly to save police time
because possession of class C drugs was not an arrestable offence. However,
Mr Blunkett immediately negated the impact of the change by making class C
possession arrestable. The change was almost entirely cosmetic, but had the
effect of making the drug seem more safe - or seem so to those who had
never tried it and might take any notice of Home Office classifications.

The 1971 Misuse of Drugs Act has long been the most harmful,
counterproductive and politically mesmeric law on the British statute book.
It has long borne no relation to reality. There is hardly a young person in
the land who has not tried cannabis and some four million people use it
regularly, undeterred by the most draconian drug laws in Europe. These laws
have left drug distribution in the hands of criminals and made British
cities, small towns, even rural villages the most drug-ridden in the
Western world.

The cramming of jails with users and dealers has had no deterrent effect.
Indeed the Home Office's tolerance of drug abuse in its own institutions
has them prime centres of hard drug addiction. Drug illegality has
corrupted the police, plagued schools private and public and become the
single biggest cause of industrial-scale crime. Yet successive governments
have refused to reform the 1971 Act. Even the right-wing press is now in
favour of reform, as are numerous opinion polls.

Two years ago, under pressure from reformers, Mr Blunkett decided to risk a
modicum of liberal praise by reclassifying cannabis. It would in future be
treated as less harmful than cocaine, Ecstasy and various chemical
substances. Mr Blunkett was moved by the fact that the widespread use of
the drug and expert opinion that it was less harmful to health than, for
instance, legal alcohol and nicotine. There was already evidence that the
police were going easy on those caught with the drug. "Uncoupling" cannabis
from harder drugs made sense, even if the reform was almost pointlessly
modest. But the Government did not have the courage to licence cannabis for
medical purposes, despite copious evidence of courts simply refusing to
convict patients using the drug in that way.

There is no shortage of studies over the past decade showing that intensive
cannabis use - at whatever strength - can induce serious hangovers and
memory loss. For those inclined to depression or other forms of psychosis,
including panic attacks, the effect can be severe. This is not new, any
more than skunk is new. Excessive use of alcohol, amphetamines and
barbiturates can also be harmful to some people. Cannabis has always been
toxic, in the sense that body finds it hard to rid itself of traces for
weeks after use. Skunk is clearly more so, though not dangerously addictive
or physically debilitating like certain "hard" drugs. Like all
mind-altering substances it is best avoided by those whose minds are likely
to be vulnerable to alteration.

I served for over a year on a publicly-funded research committee on the
future of the 1971 Act. It left me with a number of emphatic conclusions.
One was that all drugs alter minds, which is why (mostly) weak people take
them. For some they are beneficial. For many they are harmless. For a few
they can be dangerous. I would strongly discourage young people from
touching drugs, as I would discourage them from many ill-advised
activities. I would certainly like public policy to limit their prevalence.

The 1971 Act does the opposite. It makes drugs cheap, plentiful and easy to
sell to young people. It is not an act but a social crime. Making drug use
illegal, and thus plunging young people into a world of high-pressure
criminal salesmanship, is madness. The 1971 Act is lethal and should be
abolished. Cannabis should go where nicotine, alcohol, retail drugs,
off-course betting, gambling and prostitution have gone before, into the
realm of regulation and control.

If criminalisation could rid society of this evil, it would have done so
long ago. Clearly the reverse has happened. The criminalisation of drugs
has been the biggest social catastrophe of the past quarter century,
wrecking tens of thousands of lives, families, communities and businesses.
A new framework of control, taxation and licensed distribution must be
established.

Mr Clarke has no intention of doing this. He has an election on his hands.
So he suddenly discovers skunk, suddenly reads medical literature, suddenly
forgets he was in the Government which reclassified cannabis a year ago and
suddenly orders his Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs to "review" its
classification. Election time is here again.


 

 

 

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