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UK: The real danger of cannabis

Susan Greenfield

The Observer

Sunday 18 Aug 2002

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Now that those anxious to look cool can puff cannabis freely in the street
without fear of arrest, perhaps those of us who have argued that relaxing
the laws on cannabis is irresponsible and dangerous should retreat
gracefully behind our chintz curtains. Yet the downgrading of the
classification of cannabis perpetuates the same tired old myths and the
same serious problems.

Take the myth that cannabis is 'just the same as' alcohol. A glib yet
logical riposte might be that if the drugs are truly identical why not just
stick with the booze? What is the distinct appeal of cannabis that can be
ignored in equating the two drugs? Such sophistry is inappropriate because
alcohol and cannabis work on the brain and body in very different ways.
Alcohol has a range of non-specific actions that affect the tiny electrical
signals between one brain cell and another; cannabis has its own
specialised chemical targets, so far less has a more potent effect.
Moreover, although drinking in excess can lead to terrible consequences,
there are guidelines for the amount of alcohol that constitutes a 'safe'
intake. Such a calculation is possible because we know alcohol is
eliminated relatively quickly from the body.

With cannabis, it is a different story. The drug will accumulate in your
body for days, if not weeks, so, as you roll your next spliff, you never
know how much is already working away inside you. I challenge any advocate
of cannabis to state what a 'safe' dose is. Until they do, surely it is
irresponsible to send out positive signals, however muted?

Another notion is that cannabis is less harmful than cigarettes. I'm not
sure how this idea came about, certainly not as the results of any
scientific papers. We do know cannabis smoke contains the same constituents
as that of tobacco: however, it is now thought that three to four cannabis
cigarettes a day are equivalent to 20 or more tobacco cigarettes, regarding
damage to the lining of the bronchus, while the concentration of
carcinogens in cannabis smoke is actually higher than in cigarettes.

And if cannabis were 'just the same' as alcohol and cigarettes, why are
people not taking those already legal drugs for the much-lauded pain-relief
effects? After all, another case for the relaxation of the laws on cannabis
is the 'medical' one that it is an effective analgesic. But there is a
world of difference between medication prescribed in a hospital, where the
cost-benefit balance tips in favour of pain relief, compared to a healthy
person endangering their brain and body needlessly.

Even the most loony of liberals has not suggested tolerance for morphine or
heroin abuse, because they are prescribed clinically as potent painkillers.
And think about it: if cannabis brings effective relief from pain, then how
does it do so? Clearly by a large-scale action on the central nervous system.

Further wishful thinking is that, because cannabis doesn't actually kill
you, it is OK to send out less negative legal signals, even though the Home
Secretary admits that the drug is dangerous. Leaving aside the issue that
cannabis could indeed be lethal, in that the impaired driving it can
trigger could well kill, there is more to life than death. It is widely
accepted that there is a link between cannabis and schizophrenia: as many
as 50 per cent of young people attending psychiatric clinics may be regular
or occasional cannabis users. The drug can also precipitate psychotic
attacks, even in those with no previous psychiatric history. Moreover,
there appears to be a severe impairment in attention span and cognitive
performance in regular cannabis users, even after the habit has been
relinquished. All these observations testify to a strong, long-lasting
action on the brain.

Some attempts have been made in laboratories to work out what cannabis
could actually be doing to brain cells. So far, some data have suggested
that there can be damage to neurons, and at doses comparable to those taken
on the street. None the less, others argue that the experimental scenario
of isolated neurons growing in a lab dish are hardly a natural situation,
and that such data have to be interpreted with caution. But absence of
evidence is not evidence of absence. The effects on the brain in real life
are most probably subtle and therefore hard to monitor: it's not so much
that cannabis will create great holes in your brain, or deplete you
wholesale of all your best neurons. Instead, by acting on its own special
little chemical targets (and because it will therefore work as an impostor
to a naturally occurring transmitter), the drug is likely to modify the
configuration of the networks of brain cell connections.

These configurations of connections make you the unique person you are,
since they usually reflect your particular experiences. So a change will be
hard to register from one person to another, and certainly from one slice
of rat brain to another: but still, it will make you see the world in a
different way - characteristically one depleted of motivation.

It is hard for me, as a neuroscientist, to accept that a drug that has the
biochemical actions that it does, that hangs around in the brain and body,
and that has dramatic effects on brain function and dysfunction, could not
be leaving its mark, literally, on how our neurons are wired up and work
together.

It is argued that we will never stamp out cannabis use, and therefore we
should give up trying. But we will not stamp out murder or house break-ins
or mugging, yet I've never heard an argument for freeing up police time by
liberalising the law on these acts.

Laws, it is said, are only enforceable when the majority wants them
enforced, yet the arguments used for easing up on cannabis apply equally to
promoting ecstasy or other mind-bending substances. Do we really want a
drug-culture lifestyle in the UK?

Cynically, one could argue that it is politically expedient to court the
youth vote, to open up the inevitable prospect of revenue from a new source
of taxes and to help the ailing tobacco industry prosper from a great new
product of readymade packets of spliffs.

The condoning of chemical consolation also distracts from other problems.
We have failed our young people in providing homes and jobs and, by giving
them an easy route into a chilled-out oblivion, have turned our backs on
the far more challenging prospect of initiating policies to help them
realise their potential and live better and more fulfilling lives. They are
paying a high price for cool.

 

 

 

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