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UK: The thin white line

Jamie Douglass

Spiked

Thursday 07 Oct 2004

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The Tories have pledged to make the 'drugs war' the top priority in their
hard line on crime. In this, they are merely extending the New Labour ethos
on cleaning up the slough that is modern Britain. Last month, UK police, in
association with Crimestoppers, began a crackdown on drug-related crime,
having seized UKP27,000 worth of Class A drugs in just one week. What is
surprising is the geographical nexus for this new campaign - the crack dens
of Norfolk have really got out of hand (1).


Drugs are the bogeyman in our twenty-first century wardrobe and - as
everyone knows - the best way to deal with a bogeyman is to stick your head
under a big fluffy blanket, which we've been happily doing for around half
a century. Latterly, our big fluffy Blunkett has unveiled a rash of new
plans, to ensure that the reclassification of cannabis (it's still wrong,
but we simply can't be arsed to bust you any more) does not suggest that
the UK has gone 'soft on drugs'. Alongside the confused rehabilitation of
the herb's reputation we have 'Tackling Crack: the National Crack Plan'
(2), which recognises that 'crack dealing...is seen by some young people as
an attractive career option', and has resolved to focus intensely on 'High
Crack Areas, or HCAs'. Make no mistake, we're winning this war.


It's easy to mock, but then that's hardly a reason not to. Apart from the
ludicrous employment of quasi-'street' patois, and the dispensing of the
world's most bizarre TLA (Three Letter Acronym), the idea that the words
'crack dealing' can be used in the same sentence as 'attractive career
option' demonstrates just how confused government drugs policy is. Part
Elmore Leonard novel, part New Labour management-speak. Drugs are
acceptable. Or not. Or...what?


Nonetheless, the UK incarcerates more of its citizens than any other
western European nation (3), and has some of the most punitive drugs laws
outside of the USA. Theoretically, possession of a wrap of cocaine can land
you in the clink for seven years. Pass some of that over to your friend,
you're looking at pleasuring Her Majesty for life. God be praised, this
rarely happens. The City would shut down, and we'd have a recession that
made the 1930s look like the promised land. But it could. Practice has long
since taken its leave of policy, and speaks to it about once a year, on a
bad line. So why?


In 1998, the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on drugs
announced that it was aiming for the eradication of all illegal drugs by
2008 - from the whole world (4). Given that there are only four years left
and that UN officials don't seem to have made much progress, it might be
argued that the time has come to agree that their eyes were a little bigger
than their stomachs, and maybe they should set a more realistic target
like, say, eradicating all drugs from Frinton-on-Sea. So perhaps we don't
have a drugs problem so much as, well, a policy problem.


You might have thought that history was still on the National Curriculum,
but apparently it's not. Anyone who has read anything about 1920s America
can tell you what happens when you prohibit an intoxicant that a lot of
people want: the suppliers get richer and richer, the quality goes down,
and people start dying in droves. So you increase the penalties, and they
get even richer, because as the risk goes up, so does the price.
Concurrently, the availability goes down, so in fact the price skyrockets.
And suppliers start buying guns. Cue turf wars and more corpses. And then
you give up and admit that since it was legal for ages and we only started
to have a serious problem after prohibition, maybe it's time to reassess.
Sound familiar? Well, it should, apart from the last bit of course.
Exemplar: 'Major players in drug cartels, a rising criminal star, or a
young adolescent out to gain respect, all have one thing in common...these
days - the availability of and willingness to use, a firearm.' (5) Not
1920s Chicago, but London circa 7 February 2003.


You wonder whether the prohibitionists have any rational point at all

The reasons behind punitive drug laws fail to stand up to any serious
scrutiny. The drug trade is a major source of funding for organised crime.
True. The cocaine trade is estimated to produce revenue of around
$92billion (6). Almost all of that goes to criminals. And that's before we
count the legal, excise, and custodial cost of 'fighting' drugs in consumer
countries, let alone aid given to drug-producing countries to persuade them
to help eradicate what is basically their main cash crop. One of the
biggest markets in the world is subject to no controls, no duty and allows
for dangerous monopolies.


However, the link between drugs and crime has been made by the law. Prior
to the criminalisation of cocaine and opium, organised crime had no reason
to be involved in the drugs trade. But now it makes sense. Way back when,
if you wanted to be a crook, you had to start at the bottom, learn the
trade by mugging a few old dears, and then - if you were lucky - you might
get to hold up a bank with a sawn-off and a stocking for headgear.
Nowadays, all a youngster has to do is import one batch of Class A and
distribute it, and he's made. And all of this was made possible by
government legislation.


But drugs are dangerous to health. This is a well-known fact. Well, up to a
point, Lord Copper. The wrap of smack you buy down a back alley is
extremely dangerous. You have no idea what's in it - could be anything from
brick dust to strychnine to talcum powder - and no idea how much pure
diamorphine it contains. Intravenous heroin consumption is one of the few
areas of commerce where getting more than what you pay for could kill you.
But diamorphine itself is one of the most benign narcotics there is.
According to Dr Teresa Tate, who has prescribed heroin and morphine for the
past 25 years, heroin is not just 'a very safe drug' but proportionally
safer than paracetamol (7). The nasty side effect of addiction is
regrettable, but given that in the Victorian era many addicts were able to
live reasonably normal lives while ingesting whole fields of opium it is
surely no more regrettable than nicotine addiction. Less so than alcohol
addiction, which actually damages your liver. That addicts steal to fund
their habit is likewise thanks to prohibition, which has driven the price up.


The health issue can be extended to other narcotics. Cocaine hydrochloride
is not good for you - in the same way that plenty of sleep, a balanced diet
and regular baths are good for you - but regulated quality-assured cocaine
is bound to be better than a line of off-white unknown. And even that
doesn't seem to be culling the population in line with something so
inherently evil that selling it merits life imprisonment. Ecstasy, the
devil drug that killed Leah Betts, is statistically safer than going
fishing (8).


Drugs might be jostling paedophiles and terrorists for the top spot of
social evils, but to be fair to them, they've been there for a lot longer.
As recently as 1997 a member of Her Majesty's Government said that if he
'thought it [were] remotely possible [he] would advocate the death penalty
for those in possession of drugs' (9). In which case, David Evans MP
(Conservative, Welwyn and Hatfield) would have neatly solved our housing
problems, given that around 110,000 arrests for drug offences are made a
year (10). That is not the language of a health campaigner. There are many
words one might use to describe the views of Mr Evans, but 'temperate' is
not one of them.


Government publications are fond of repeating that 'drugs are a very
serious problem in the UK' (11), but when questioned on specifics, MPs
scuttle from the issue like roaches from a light source. Danny Kushlik,
chief executive of Transform, the campaign for effective drugs policy, told
a Home Affairs Select Committee: 'When I asked Tony Blair why [we operate
prohibition], if prohibition caused more crime than it sought to solve, he
told me he was terrified for his children. If I had asked him how terrified
he was about his children, that would have been a bloody good answer, but
that was not the question I asked and seemed to miss the point a little.' (12)


A lot of criminals take drugs - a lot also live in poverty

With morality so inexpedient as a political platform today, no wonder that
the prohibitionist lobby are casting around for validation - leading to
some fairly liberal interpretations of evidence. When the Chief Constable
of North Wales called for a rethink of drug policies, veteran Daily Mailite
and moral campaigner Melanie Phillips accused him of 'staggering and
criminal stupidity' and 'utterly ignor[ing] pharmacology, social history,
law and the evidence of our own eyes' (16). Sounds profound, but a touch
misleading. Attempting to call upon pharmacology as a justification for
prohibition means having to select your reports very carefully indeed. The
'evidence of our own eyes' all too often means the evidence of people who
work with drug addicts and the deprived, which is a bit like asking a pest
controller about the levels of hygiene they usually encounter and then
extrapolating that every house in Britain is overrun with rats the size of
oxen. As for social history, we live in a society in which drugs are
illegal, so there is no 'control' against which to measure. And one might
think that a Chief Constable was in a reasonably educated position to
pontificate about the law.


Rational debate is missing from the drugs issue. In fact, you wonder
whether the prohibitionists have any rational point at all. This is not to
say that none exists, just that research is avoided like a Norfolk
crackhouse, in case it throws up results that might prove detrimental to
the position. The fact that a lot of criminals take drugs means that drugs
and crime are linked. But a lot of criminals also live in poverty, and I
don't hear anyone screaming Shavian imprecations about that. A lot of them
wear heavy gold chains, come to that, and I have yet to see the government
unveil 'Tackling Elizabeth Duke'. A lot of putative non-criminals take
drugs as well; more, in fact.


The government can exhibit pictures of a rotting corpse to hammer home the
message that 'drugs are wrong', but the second Barnardo's shows a cockroach
crawling over a baby to suggest that destitution isn't that much fun
either, it receives record complaints (16). Now, the latter was
sensationalist, but it still doesn't even come close to the former.


Instead of looking at the statistics for Ecstasy deaths, it is more usual
to hear the horrific tale of some parents (preferably middle-class) who
lost a child (preferably female and pretty) who took pills (preferably
one). That's not an argument. It's tragic and heartbreaking, but it should
not be considered a point of debate.


Society will continue to have a drug problem for as long as we keep our
heads well encased in 32-tog coverlets. Drug use may not be entirely
benign, but neither should it stand, totemic, for all that is wrong with
society at large. As Edmund Burke almost pointed out, all that is necessary
for the triumph of evil is for good men to stay in bed. The fact that some
members of political parties consider the devil's dandruff to have come
straight from Lucifer's scalp should be held up to the cold light of
scrutiny before committing billions to their cause. Otherwise our problem
is not so much the crack in our cities as the chasm in our reasoning.


Jamie Douglass carried out postgraduate research into youth subculture at
the University of Cambridge, and worked as an intern at spiked.


(1) Drug Abuse and Dealing Targeted, BBC News, 20 September 2004

(2) 'Tackling Crack: A National Plan' (.pdf)

(3) The True Price of Prohibition, Danny Kushlik, Guardian, 6 August 2004

(4) UK Drugs and UK Drugs Laws: 1940-2004, Release

(5) Gun Culture Comes into the Firing Line, The Job, 7 February 2003

(6) Cocaine: An Unauthorised Biography, Dominic Streatfield, London, 2001

(7) Make Heroin Legal, Nick Davies, Guardian, 14 June 2001

(8) The Leah Betts Story, Nicholas Saunders, December 1995

(9) House of Commons Debate, 17 January 1997, Hansard Column 525

(10) 'Social and Legal Correlates and Consequences', UK Drug Report 2001,
DrugScope

(11) Tackling Drugs to Build a Better Britain, April 1998

(12) Home Affairs - Minutes of Evidence, 6 November 2001

(13) 'An Icon for Our Moral Decadence', Melanie Phillips, Daily Mail, 18
March 2002

(14) Watchdog Bans Barnardo's Adverts, BBC News, 10 December 2003

 

 

 

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